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This document encapsulates the need for unity in Sri Lanka through justice and reconciliation. It emphasizes on devolving power in a united country, respecting diverse identities, and building trust between ethnic and religious groups.
This marks a positive stride in fostering reconciliation for Sri Lanka’s long-standing ethnic conflict. Ahead of formulating the document, the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) engaged in long-standing discussions with the Buddhist clergy. During their visit, the GTF met with two Mahanayake Theras in Kandy, aiming to promote understanding and peace among all communities. Their year-long engagement and a structured dialogue in Nepal in April 2023 laid the groundwork for the ‘Himalaya Declaration.’ This document encapsulates the need for unity in Sri Lanka through justice and reconciliation. It emphasizes on devolving power in a united country, respecting diverse identities, and building trust between ethnic and religious groups.
Communal Conflict and the Emergence of the Ceylon National Congress
Given here are insights from Dr. R. A. Ariyaratne’s Paper: ‘Communal Conflict and the Emergence of the Ceylon National Congress’ in the Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies, 1977 Vol. VII No. 1
‘The first decade of the twentieth century saw a considerable increase in constitutional reform activities, putting fresh life into those organisations which had originated in the previous century like the Ceylon National Association and the Chilaw Association, and seeing the emergence of a number of new ones. These reform societies fell broadly into three categories; communal, provincial and “open”. But the line that separated an exclusively communal organisation like the Dutch Burgher Union from a provincial organisation like the Jaffna Association was extremely thin, for the latter was mainly though not exclusively confined to the Ceylon Tamils’—
In mid-November 1921, reconciliation efforts hit an impasse during two conferences due to a critical issue: the Tamils’ reluctance to relinquish their claim to a special reserved seat in the Western Province. This deadlock was a turning point, signifying the Tamils’ recognition of their significant status among the minority communities. The reserved seat not only reflected the Tamils’ transition from majority to minority status but also served as a crucial link to Governor W. H. Manning, who strategically used it to further British interests. This marked the dawn of a new era where communalism gained prominence in the country’s politics, with this specific issue becoming a catalyst for its emergence as a significant force.
The Document Outlines Key Goals:
It emphasizes on adhering to international obligations and pursuing an independent foreign policy to position Sri Lanka among peaceful, democratic nations globally. Additionally, it envisions a reconciled Sri Lanka that learns from its history, ensuring measures like accountability to prevent past suffering. The focus is on a new constitution guaranteeing rights, equality, and devolved powers. Until then, existing provisions for power-sharing are to be implemented faithfully. Economically, the document advocates a model boosting local production, encouraging investments, aiming to elevate Sri Lanka to middle-income status. Lastly, it stresses preserving the nation’s pluralistic identity, ensuring no community feels threatened in terms of their identity and place within the country.
Brief History of the Conflict
M.H.V. Cooray observes in, “The Independence of Sri Lanka”: The Island. 2004/02/08:
‘The Ceylon National Association formed in 1917 was followed by the Ceylon National Congress formed in 1919. It was a sign of the ethnic amity that prevailed at the time that Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, a Tamil, was elected as the first President of each of these bodies, a majority of whose members were Sinhalese. Amongst leaders who joined these two bodies, apart from Ponnambalam Arunachalam, were his brother, Ponnambalam Ramanathan, D. S. Senanayake and his two brothers F. R. and D.C., Sir James Peiris, E. W. Perera, C. W. W. Kannangara, Sir D. B. Jayatillake, D. R. Wijewardene, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and young J. R. Jayewardene. Arunachalam, their elected leader, hoped that the Indian National Congress led by Gandhi and Nehru, would provide a model for the Ceylon National Congress, but his colleagues were mostly conservatives who thought political agitation as it was being pursued in India was not for gentleman and feared any mass involvement.’
In 1919, the Ceylon National Congress (CNC) was established as the primary “Nationalist” party, with Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam as a prominent Tamil figure among its founders. However, internal disagreements led Arunachalam to depart from the CNC in 1921, criticizing the party for primarily representing a faction of the Sinhalese community. Between 1927 and 1931, Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan and Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam engaged in discussions with Sinhala leaders following the Donoughmore Commission’s recommendations in 1927. However, these talks failed as some Sinhala leaders disregarded
Tamil aspirations.
Subsequently, in 1944, the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) emerged as the first Tamil political party, led by G. G. Ponnambalam. The ACTC aimed to advocate for Tamil interests against the perceived ‘Sinhala Buddhist domination.’ Their proposal for “fifty-fifty” representation suggested allocating 50% of seats for the Sinhala majority and 50% for minority communities, including Tamils. However, the Soulbury Commission rejected the idea of creating an artificial majority from a minority group. D. S. Senanayake, having resigned from the Congress, established The United National Party (UNP) in 1946. Ceylon’s first Constitution, known as the “Soulbury Constitution,” was adopted via an Order in Council rather than through a Constituent Assembly. This constitution remained in force until 1972.
In 1948, Ceylon gained independence under dominion status, transferring governance to Ceylonese authorities. However, on November 15, 1948, the Citizenship Act and disenfranchisement laws were passed. These laws affected Tamils of Indian origin, particularly the hill country plantation Tamils, depriving them of the ability to elect representatives to Parliament and rendering more than a million plantation Tamil workers stateless. Amidst discord within the Tamil Congress, the “Federal Party” (FP) emerged, led by S. J. V. Chelvanayagam, marking a split within the Tamil political landscape.
At the initial Federal Party convention in 1951, a pivotal decision was made to advocate for a federal governance structure that allowed regional autonomy for Tamils in the North-East of Sri Lanka. Concurrently, in the same year, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike broke away from the UNP and established the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). The year 1956 witnessed the UNP’s removal from power in the general elections, with the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), a coalition led by Bandaranaike and Philip Gunawardena, securing victory. This coalition rode a wave of Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism that swept across the island. Both the MEP and UNP manifestos pledged to designate Sinhalese as the sole Official Language, fostering strong
anti-Tamil sentiments.
On 14 June, the Bandaranaike government proclaimed the “Sinhala Only Act” which made the Sinhala language the only official language of Ceylon. The outbreak of the first major communal clashes triggered anti-Tamil riots in the island, burning or hacking to death, and properties belonging to Tamils being looted and destroyed.
[To be continued….]
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