Shenzhen attack’s aftermath reveals cracks in China’s governing power

TOKYO -- Obtaining a residency permit at a local public safety bureau is a rite of passage for foreigners who move to China.

In the past, there were always long lines. The process was an agonizing chore that took almost all day.

I had a firsthand experience with this when I was assigned to the Beijing bureau in fall 2007. After spending several hours in line, I had to answer many questions from a disgruntled police officer. While I can't recall the specific questions, I remember being tired and irritated.

But I do remember the last thing the police officer said: "Please relax, we will put our mianzi on the line to protect the safety of foreigners."

The Chinese word mianzi -- roughly translated as honor, reputation or esteem -- is a deeply cherished concept in Chinese society.

China was experiencing rapid economic growth at that time. With the Beijing Olympics scheduled for the following year, the country was rushing to catch up to Japan, the U.S. and Europe as a modern power.

They wanted to build a nation that would be admired by other countries, and to do so, they could not put the safety of foreigners at risk. With more money in their pockets, people were beaming with confidence that they could face foreigners as equals.

That sense of pride, or mianzi, seems to have vanished entirely.

A 10-year-old Japanese boy was stabbed to death on his way to school last month. This follows a June attack on a Japanese mother and child in Suzhou, Jiangsu province, in which a Chinese woman who tried to protect them died. Beijing bears serious responsibility for having failed to prevent a recurrence.

It was hard to believe comments on the attacks by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, who is also a Politburo member. He insisted that the Shenzhen attack was an individual, unrelated incident. It sounded like he had given up on defending China's reputation, instead taking a defensive tone against Japanese criticism.

The Chinese economy is struggling amid a serious real estate downturn. Many people feel squeezed and harbor anxiety about the future. Their anger can easily turn to foreigners.

History has shown that xenophobia can rear its head when a country is in decline.

China's Boxer Rebellion at the turn of the 20th century is a classic example. With the Qing dynasty on the verge of collapse, the economy was in shambles. An anti-foreign uprising quickly caught on, with people attacking foreign consulates in Beijing.

After the Suzhou attack, some people reportedly praised the incident on Chinese social media as a modern Boxer Rebellion. That sent shudders down my spine.

An outlandish claim that Japanese schools are training spies have been spreading online. It could have contributed to the latest attack.

Yet President Xi Jinping has done nothing to rein in false rumors and attacks online. Some believe he is stoking xenophobia as an outlet for people's frustration.

Xi's grip on power seems unshakable, but that does not translate to his administration's ability to govern.

If life gets tough under a poor economy, people will direct their frustration at the Communist Party. The Xi government is taking a dangerous path if it is purposely using the strengthened anti-espionage act to fan anti-foreigner sentiment.

The era of preparing for a stronger China is over. Our task now is to face a weakening China. This is a crucial challenge for Shigeru Ishiba, Japan's next prime minister.(Nikkei Asia)