Immoral politics is so recognised in Sri Lanka that those who gain power and perks through such dealings are being held in high regard

Why is the government in such a haste to amend an Article in the Constitution which has somewhat a relevance only when the term of the President or the Parliament is to be extended? 
Does the government want to extend the term of the President or the Parliament? Yet, the relevant Article is not a hurdle. It says if you want to extend the term of the President or the Parliament to over six years, get the relevant Bill passed in Parliament with the support of two-third of its members and approved by the people at a referendum.
That means, if you want to extend the relevant term to over six years, fulfil these conditions, or if you want to extend it only up to six years, get it passed in Parliament with the support of two-third of its members, without going for a referendum. That’s it. 
The day-to-day affairs of the country has never been and is never going to be affected by the Article in question being left as it has been so far. If the Supreme Court orders a referendum for the proposed amendment to be a law, the government which postponed the local government elections last year ostensibly for want of funds has to waste a similar amount of funds for an unwanted nationwide poll. Besides, there is a possibility of the timing of the referendum and the forthcoming Presidential elections overlapping. 
There is little or no doubt that the government is up to something fishy, in respect of the forthcoming Presidential elections, in the face of the possibility of the two ruling parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) being defeated humiliatingly. This is a very good case in point for the politics of immorality or immorality of politics. 
Sri Lankan politics in most cases shies away from morality. This detachment between politics and ethics is the direct result of the firm attachment of politics to colossal money-making. One has to see the interactions between political parties through this prism. 
If the government’s attempts to defer the Presidential elections go awry, would President Ranil Wickremesinghe contest that election in September or October? If so, under which party will he contest, the UNP, his own party or the SLPP as the speculations have it? Also, the UNP, indicating their dilemma over the matter, alternately declare that their leader would come to the fray as an independent contender at times while claiming that he would be a candidate of a broad coalition. 

“Sebewa” 

Wickremesinghe appointed a committee headed by Ronald Perera PC on February 20 to coordinate his Presidential election campaign followed by a public rally in Kuliyapituya on March 10 under the theme “Sebewa” (the truth) which was said to be their first campaign rally. An event was then held on June 6 where their political office was declared open at Earnest de Silva Mawatha in Colombo, apart from their headquarters, the Sirikotha in Sri Jayewardenepura Kotte, which was another indication of Wickremesinghe entering the Presidential race.  
Meanwhile, negotiations were held between Wickremsinghe and the Rajapaksa brothers on a possible coalition between the UNP and the SLPP in view of the election for the top most post. However, no policy matters with regard to the economic issues or social welfare had been come up during their discussions, according to media reports. Both parties were only concerned about how to continue in power after the election. 
Media reports said that the SLPP had laid down a condition to the President to win over 25 MPs of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) before the end of this month to support his candidacy. What an absurd condition! Political parties should join hands on policy grounds and not on the outcomes of horse trading. Parties should coalesce on a common programmes to resolve the issues faced by the people and not on agreements to win elections by hook or by crook. This is not principled politics.
And that condition poses another question as to how the President is going to win them over. Obviously that will not be through any ethical means. They would be offered various positions and perks using public funds. It is natural and acceptable even for the most principled political party to win over members and supporters of other parties since only the strongest party would come to power in elections through which it would be able to implement its programmes. However, most crossovers in Sri Lanka are being prompted by unethical dealings and not based on the interests of the country or the people.

Immoral politics 

Immoral politics is so recognised in Sri Lanka that those who gain power and perks through such dealings are being held in high regard. The UNP leaders often boast about their leader ascending to the top most post only with one seat in Parliament. They do not see him being in such an elevated position without a mandate from the people. The end justifies the means, they say. Even the learned people or religious leaders do not seem to be concerned about this situation. 
One might argue that the unprincipled politics is legalised in Sri Lanka. The number of ministers in the Cabinet is limited to 30 by the Constitution after the passage of its 19th Amendment. However, where a party which obtains the highest number of seats in Parliament forms a National Government together with the other recognised political parties, the ceiling for the number of Ministers is being removed. If the scientifically decided number of ministers is 30, on what grounds it is being increased when partied coalesce? Here the ruling parties are authorised to bribe other parties with ministerial portfolios to get them on board. It is legally accepted but not morally. 
The political marriage between the UNP and the SLPP thus far itself is questionable in terms of morality. UNP was accused by the SLPP of being supportive of Tamil separatism and being subservient to the Western countries. They also alleged that the UNP orchestrated the Central Bank bond scam in 2015 and attributed the current economic crisis to the policies of the Yahapalana government. Nevertheless, they preferred Wickremesinghe over other Opposition leaders for the premiership and Presidency when the Aragalaya forced the Rajapaksas out from power in 2022, claiming only he was capable of salvaging the country from the economic calamity.  
Bringing an end to the large-scale corruption under Rajapaksa administration was one of the major promises given by the UNP at the 2015 Presidential and Parliamentary elections. In a bid to highlight the massive wastage in the economically unviable Mattala Airport the Wickremesinghe government ordered to store paddy in it. However, when the Aragalaya threatened the political survival of the UNP and the SLPP the two parties commenced a shared political journey without a shared policy framework.

Disgruntled groups

However, given their recent dealings with the disgruntled groups and dissidents of the other parties the SJB is not in a position to highlight this issue. They too joined hands with Dullas Alahapperuma, a former bigwig of the Rajapaksa administration at the Presidential election in Parliament in 2022 where the latter was a candidate. No policy matters were considered then. It was evident when they parted ways subsequent to that election.  However, when Alahapperuma has been left alone he again has decided now to restore relationship with the SJB, again without demanding shared policies. 
It is the UNP and the SJB that can coalesce without such contradictions since leaders of the latter had observed many a time that the two parties have no policy differences. In fact, UNP was split in 2020 not on policy basis but due to the notion that had been gradually built inside the party over two decades that Wickremesinghe was not capable of winning elections. Ultimately the ego in the leaders of both groups validated the separation.
Now that the morality is no longer a valid phenomenon in Sri Lankan politics, the option left for the UNP and the SLPP for their survival is to find a common candidate at the forthcoming Presidential elections, without which the UNP might be another Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) at the next election.