“Old soldiers “they say,” do not die but merely fade away”. This is not so in the case of Sararh Fonseka

Gardihewa Sarath Chandralal Fonseka known generally as Sarath Fonseka has  thrown his hat into the presidential poll ring again. The former army commander who is  Sri Lanka’s one and only Field Marshal has stated in a post on “X”(Twitter) that he would be a contender in the forthcoming presidential election. The following is Fonseka’s formal announcement – 

“I wish to announce my Presidential candidacy to the people of Sri Lanka. For 76 years, we have been led by an inept political group that has led us to bankruptcy. For Sri Lanka to grow, we need to crush corruption. We need to leverage our natural resources to boost income generation. This is my formal and official announcement as the presidential candidate of Sri Lanka for the 2024 Presidential Election. I invite every Sri Lankan to join me to take Sri Lanka forward.” 

Field Marshal  Fonseka’s declaration that he is contesting the presidency evokes a sense of déjà vu. Fonseka made history in 2010 by contesting the presidential election. He was the first Sri Lankan army chief to do so. However, the honour of being the first military officer to become executive president went to Sarath Fonseka’s friend turned foe Gotabaya Rajapaksa who was elected in 2019.

It is too early at this point in time to analyse or assess  how Fonseka’s presidential election campaign is going to unfold. The possibility of the ex-army chief changing his mind and pulling out of the presidential stakes cannot be ruled out either. Against this backdrop, this column intends this week to wander down memory lane with the aid of my earlier writings and re-visit the background and circumstances which led to Fonseka’s previous foray into the presidential election of 2010. 

Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected executive president on November 18th 2005. Despite being elected through an enforced boycott by the tigers it soon became apparent that Medamulana and Valvettithurai were on a collision course.

President Rajapaksa made two crucial appointments at the onset of his presidency in anticipation of a savage war with the LTTE. One was to make his younger sibling Gotabaya Rajapaksa Defence Secretary.The other was to appoint Sarath Fonseka as Army commander and extend his tenure.

Army Chief

It was at Gotabaya’s behest that Sarath Fonseka was made army chief. He was scheduled to retire as he would have reached the mandatory of age 55 on December 6th 2005. But Gotabaya persuaded his brother to make Sarath army chief because Fonseka was the best man to lead the army at that point in time.

The serving commander Maj-Gen Shantha Kottegoda was sent to Brazil as ambassador and Fonseka was brought in. Thereafter his term was extended each year in December.

Though a courageous and dedicated soldier, the impetuous, headstrong Fonseka had a negative reputation for being cantankerous and uncontrollable. This had affected his prospects of promotion in the past. There were reports  then  that President Rajapaksa was also reluctant to appoint Sarath as Army chief  but Gotabaya had persuaded his brother to go ahead. Apparently Mahinda  relied on his brother’s guarantee that Sarath would be “managed” by him (Gota).

This was how Sarath became Army chief. After the first year Mahinda wanted to let Sarath go but again Gotabaya intervened and stayed his brother’s hand. In the early stages Gotabaya evolved a satisfactory working relationship with Sarath and set the military juggernaut rolling forward. Initially, there was a lot of camaraderie between Sarath and Gota.

Sarath and Gota

Both Sarath and Gota had a lot in common as they were fellow Anandians and more or less of the same age. Sarath got into the army as part of the third intake while Gotabaya was of the fourth intake. They served together in crucial battlefronts like that of Vadamaratchy in 1987. Both played a role in the “midnight express” evacuation exercise of Jaffna Fort in 1990. Sarath was Colonel and Gotabaya Lt. Colonel when the latter quit the army.

The war progressed and the nation as well as the world at large witnessed the LTTE being slowly driven back and the armed forces advancing. But the Sarath-Gota  equation was getting strained. According to defence establishment insiders of that period, the greater share of the blame for this was Sarath’s.

Both Mahinda and Gotabaya treated Sarath as a “prima donna” throwing occasional tantrums. As far as Sarath Fonseka was concerned he behaved like a spoiled brat causing havoc. A latter day Dennis the menace! Gotabhaya was like a tolerant mother cleaning up the mess made by her recalcitrant child. 

Paranoia and Pique

Sarath Fonseka’s “attitude” was resented but accommodated because he was considered crucially important to the war effort. He was humoured greatly but when the war ended and Fonseka was perceived as exceeding his limits the Rajapaksa regime came down heavily on him. This situation was compounded by paranoia on the one hand and pique on the other.

Sarath Fonseka had been regularly boasting about his prowess in prosecuting the war successfully as the battles were in progress. He saw himself as a latter-day Dutu Gemunu and even had at one stage a picture of Gemunu on an elephant before whom a cowering Elara was kneeling. A foreign journalist who saw this “art” said that the face of Gemunu resembled Sarath.

When Fonseka went on beating his “Rohana” drum, the Rajapaksas were annoyed but tolerated him till the task was done. He was also allowed to derive popularity mileage due to the war. Even Mahinda Rajapaksa basked in reflected glory with some posters showing Mahinda and Sarath marching together towards victory.

But Mahinda was growing increasingly insecure about Sarath’s growing popularity among the people. But Rajapaksa was confident that brother Gotabaya would not let things get out of hand. On the other hand,  Fonseka was resenting the fact that he had to “share” popularity gained through war victories with the president and government.

Several newspaper articles singing paeans of praise to Sarath Fonseka began appearing in the media. Victory celebrations extolled the martial virtues of Sarath. Fonseka blew his own trumpet lustily in media interviews. Media persons close to Sarath began giving too much credit to the army chief. The president and defence secretary were seemingly eclipsed.

Political Role

There was also a perceived shift in Sarath Fonseka’s outlook. The adulation received from the masses was affecting him. From being a person who spurned politics and ridiculed politicians, the army chief began hinting at a future political role for himself. Fonseka began talking of himself as the man who defeated the tigers and began querying from friends and acquaintances in bantering tones “Why can’t I be the next president?”

As news of this changed attitude was conveyed to the Rajapaksa brothers the alarm bells started ringing. A real or imaginary threat to president Mahinda’s political fortunes was perceived.

At least three separate intelligence reports were officially and unofficially commissioned. The essence of these reports stated that Fonseka was nursing political ambitions and that he enjoyed equal if not more popularity among the masses akin to  Mahinda Rajapaksa himself.

Perceived Threat

The Rajapaksa brothers perceived an emerging threat in Sarath Fonseka. On the one hand Mahinda saw Sarath as someone who could usurp his political leadership. On the other Gotabaya was miffed by the crudely blatant efforts of Fonseka to deny the important role played by the defence secretary during the war.

 The Rajapaksa regime that mollycoddled Sarath Fonseka and tolerated all his past idiosyncrasies and foibles was no longer prepared to do so. There came a rule by the then  defence secy Gota that no service chief could give media interviews without permission or monitoring. This effectively restricted the media monopoly of Fonseka.

Honduras Coup

In the meantime developments in far off Honduras were impacting on Sri Lanka. Manuel Zelaya the Honduran president was planning a referendum aimed at extending his term of office in a roundabout way. The Courts rejected the referendum proposal but Zelaya in an act of defiance went ahead and ordered the army to begin distributing ballot papers.

The Army chief Gen.Romeo Vásquez Velazquez refused to do so. President Zelaya then sacked Velazquez and went ahead with his plans.  Velasquez staged a military coup. Zelaya was arrested and packed off to neighbouring Costa Rica. News of this Honduran coup rattled the powers that be and a state-controlled newspaper in Colombo gave a lot of prominence to the event.

Shortly after this coup a friendly country passed an intelligence tip that a military coup was possible in Sri Lanka too. The friendly country suggested that the army chief could enact a coup d’etat with the backing of another country. Both countries concerned were sworn enemies but were friendly towards Sri Lanka.

Chief of Defence staff

It was in such a situation that the Rajapaksa Govt acted. Fonseka was urgently summoned  and given three days to bow out as army chief and take over as Chief of Defence staff (CDS). Reluctantly Fonseka submitted and relinquished his army chief post and became CDS. 

Thereafter Fonseka found himself being undermined systematically. He was blacked out in the state media  and significant sections of the non-state media. In another development cabinet ministers and non-cabinet ministers started attacking Fonseka indirectly. He was implicitly criticised for having political ambition. There was also constant paranoia that a coup was being planned. There was also suspicion that Fonseka was engaged in negotiations with opposition parties though a journalist emissary.

The divide became very visible when Sarath Fonseka visited the US in October 2009  to renew his green card. When Fonseka informed Colombo about a potential interview with US Dept. of Homeland Security there was widespread panic resulting in  the then Foreign Minister Bogollagama  convening  a press conference to protest. This illustrated very clearly the breakdown in relations between the Rajapaksas   and their ex-army chief.

Presidential Poll

After Fonseka’s return to the country, speculation increased that he would quit the army soon and enter politics by contesting against Mahinda Rajapaksa if a presidential poll was held.

On November 6th 2009 Sarath Fonseka met with Ranil Wickremesinghe, Rauff Hakeem, Mano Ganesan and Mangala Samaraweera. It is believed that a decision was arrived at then for these opposition leaders to support Fonseka but no one has explicitly confirmed or denied it.

On Wednesday November 11th 2009 the then commander-in-chief of the armed forces had a one on one meeting with his erstwhile Army chief at “Temple Trees”. In a candid conversation Fonseka told Mahinda that due to “erosion of trust and confidence” he was compelled to quit. President Rajapaksa responded by saying that Fonseka’s resignation would be accepted promptly if and when submitted.

Sarath Fonseka then submitted his resignation coming into effect from December 1st  2009 to then Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga at 1.30 pm on Thursday November 12th.

The three-page letter outlining 17 reasons for quitting was promptly accepted as Mahinda Rajapaksa had given clear instructions that the resignation should be accepted if and when Fonseka submitted it.

Then came the Presidential election. Fonseka was the common candidate of opposition parties like the UNP, JVP, SLMC, DPF and SLFP (M). Fonseka also signed a memorandum of understanding with former TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan.

The 2010 Presidential elections were held on 26 January.  The fight was between a war- winning ruler and his war - winning army chief.  It was as if Bernard Montgomery had  contested against Winston Churchill after World war two or Sam Manekshaw competed with Indira Gandhi after the Bangladesh war!

There was much speculation that Fonseka would edge out Rajapaksa in a keenly contested poll. However, it was Mahinda  Rajapaksa who won polling 6,015,934 (57.88%) votes. Sarath Fonseka  got 4,173,185 (40.15%) votes. It was Fonseka who got the bulk of the minority community votes but Mahinda who got the majority of the majority community votes was the victor.

The showdown at the Presidential elections was the  result of brewing discontent between the Rajapaksas and Fonseka over a long period of time. While these tensions were managed and contained during the war they exploded openly after the war victory. In a sense the strife was all about who deserved the greater credit and reward for fighting and winning the war.

Personality Clash

Essentially the Rajapaksa-Fonseka feud was a personality clash devoid of differences in principle or policy. Extreme paranoia, seething passions, jealousy, vengeful thinking and wounded pride exacerbated the situation. Attempts by one side to put down perceived political challenges and efforts by the other side to counter them created a volatile situation then.

As is well known, the defeated candidate Sarath Fonseka was arrested and jailed by the Rajapaksas in a flagrant violation of justice and fairplay. After his release Fonseka became an MP and later a cabinet minister. He was also promoted as Field Marshal. Currently Fonseka is a Gampaha district MP elected on the SJB ticket. He is once again in the limelight after proclaiming his presidential candidacy.

Old Soldiers

“Old soldiers “they say,” do not die but merely fade away”. This is not so in the case of Sararh Fonseka. This is one old soldier who would -  in the words of Dylan Thomas  - “rage against the falling of the light” and simply “wont step out gently into that good night”.

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can e reached at [email protected]