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The Democratic People’s Front had already announced its support for the common opposition candidate Maithripala Sirisena at the January Presidential Election. In a wide ranging interview with the Dailymirror DPF leader Mano Ganesan claimed that the Tamils may not support President Mahinda Rajapaksa as he had failed to change the mindset of the majority community following the end of the war. Excerpts:

 

As the leader of the Democratic People’s Front (DPF) what is your stance on the common candidate (CC)?

We are part of the campaign of the common candidate (CC). In fact we are the only Tamil party which is on stage with Maithripala Sirisena as at date.
We are discussing the CC in the aftermath of UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake crossing over to the UPFA.

Tissa is my friend. But I am disappointed. When my own brother crossed over I was very distressed. At that time, Tissa discussed of high values and ethics in politics to console me. I don’t understand why he did this to his party and that too at a crucial hour.

Maithri faced distress in the SLFP. But Tissa did not have any issues in the UNP. His issues were small. Some describe this as tit-to-tat. But I don’t think so. He is no match for Maithri. Tissa is more of an administrative official category and Maithri is a political leader. Therefore he is our common candidate today. He will restore democracy. We trust him.

As the leader of Democratic People’s Front, my contribution to his successful campaign is unique. We will directly muster nearly 200,000 Tamil votes in the Colombo, Gampaha, Kalutara and Kandy districts.

And we will influence another large number of Tamil votes in the Nuwara-Eliya, Badulla, Ratnapura and Kegalle districts. Colombo is my home. But I am not regional but national. I am heard in the north and east too.

 

Do you believe that Maithri  will be able to create a more harmonious and  peaceful environment?

To my understanding the Road Map of CC campaign is this. Upon elected, CC will be the President with his Prime Minister and Cabinet.
It is going to be plainly an interim administration for 100 days. This administration is not going to address the national question but will address abolishing Executive Presidency, transferring executive power to Parliament, repealing the 18A and reintroducing the 17A.  

The President will need a 2/3 majority in Parliament since these are Constitutional amendments. I am confident that the political dynamics of the post-election era will pave way for this. Then he has to go for fresh General Elections. The new Parliamentary government elected to power after the next General Elections is expected to address the national questions and other unique issues of minorities in the country.

This is our road map for harmonious and peaceful environment. It is not only harmonious but also the most intelligent way out of this rigid autocracy.

There is also a suggestion to continue with a national government for two years. This will happen only if there is consensus and accord. If there is no accord, fresh General Elections will be unavoidable at which the parties aligned today as the opposition alliance may not contest together.

Possibilities are there for different alliances contesting separately. It is good for the restoration of democracy in this country. Tamil voters of this country have accepted this road map. We seek a democratic space now. We are not going to place blockades by bringing national question issues here. Of course, we will naturally expect the new government after the General Elections or the national government if it is in place, to address the national question.  

 

As a Tamil representative do you think the Tamil community both in the north and south would vote for the common candidate (CC)?

Yes. Tamils live in four regions in sizable numbers in this country. They are the North, East, Central and Western regions.

Tamils of the North and East are led by the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). We, the DPF lead the West. The Central plantation vote is shared among CWC, UPF, NUW of Deputy Minister Thigambaram and DPF, as we too have provincial councilors and LG members in the Kandy and Nuwara-Eliya districts. The TNA has not arrived at any official stance.

But I am able to read the mindset of the Tamil community in the North and the East. They re for change, so are my voters in the Western Province. Despite the plantation based parties being in the government, this too may change, I am confident that the Tamil voters in the central hills are with us in this election.
It is because this is not the election for the Parliament or Provincial Councils. This is a national election. People in the central region, especially the plantation workers are accustomed to vote to elect their regional representatives and their national representative, unconnectedly.

No matter that the CWC is supporting the UPFA candidate, I am confident that we will win the district of Nuwara-Eliya and most of the plantation vote elsewhere in Kandy, Matale, Badulla, Ratnapura, Kegalle, Kalutara and Galle for the CC. Check with me this on January 9.

 

 As a leader representing Tamil community in the country what would you say could be the reason that this govt. failed to win votes in predominant Tamil areas like North unlike other areas?

I have told this before. I am telling it again here. During the war times, the government politically created a war psyche in the country, brought together the groups those believed in a military solution to the national question and assembled a war team to win the war. Of course it helped the government to win the war.

But it failed to defuse the war psyche or keep those war mongering groups at a distance and disassemble the war team during this current era of reconciliation.

You can’t use the same team and attitude for both war and peace.

You have to defuse the arrogance of a victor. You did not conduct the war with an alien enemy country. Tamils, particularly the civilians of the Northern and the Eastern Provinces are not aliens. There can’t be victors and losers here. I am not undermining the national security here. It is important. You have the security forces. I am a patriot. I love our security forces. As the government, you can support and provide them better facilities and the best equipment. But they are meant for war. You should not deploy and use them for civilian matters. You even failed to transfer or discontinue the tenure of the Northern Governor who is a former military officer.

So it is in the Eastern Province. Had the government listened to recommendations to appoint Sinhala civil servants as governors of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, the situation today would have been different.    

Instead the President continued the services of the former military officer Maj. Gen. (Rtd) G.A. Chandrasiri and he is running a parallel administration in the Northern Province against Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran’s administration, which came into office through a democratic election, conducted by the Elections Commissioner of this country.

And also you are preparing the so called development plans in Colombo and taking them to the Northern Province bypassing, the same elected council of Wigneswaran.

These are a few simple reasons why the people may not vote for the President in thepredominantTamil North.

 

You always spoke for the implementing of the LLRC recommendations. Do you think if the common candidate gots elected, he would implement those?

Yes, I call for the implementation of recommendations of the government appointed LLRC commission. But the CC will not have time to work on this. His mandate will be different. As I explained above, the next Parliamentary government will have much to do with the implementations of the LLRC recommendations.

 

Once you stated as a Tamil you cannot be the President in the Country. Why is that?

It is because of the deep rooted communalist tendencies. Look at India. They too have ethnic and religious issues. Yet, India thinks in national terms. A member of Muslim or a Sikh minority could become the President, Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and even the boss of the Intelligence Service.

In Indian cinema, most big names are Khans. Do we come across such a sense of accommodation in our country? You failed to nominate even Mr. Lakshman Kadirgamar whom the Sinhalese loved, as the Prime Minister when he wanted.

I am confident that I have all credentials to be the President. But I cannot because I am an ethnic Tamil. This is the reality. I am proud that I am a Sri Lankan of recent Indian origins. Had I been living in India I would have been in a top position with the Indian Central Government.

 

Don’t you think that just like minority members winning elections and coming to power in majority Sinhala areas, Sinhalese also should be able to contest in minority areas?

Why is it an issue? Anybody and any party can contest anywhere in the country. Contestants will win and come to power only if they receive sufficient votes under the election law. Sinhalese are welcome in Tamil areas to do politics. They are welcome into my party too. Our party already has a Sinhalese member in the Colombo municipality.

 

 

 

 

 

A long standing Leftist leader and now Minister for National Languages and Integration Vasudeva Nanyakkara speaks to the Dailymirror of the forthcoming Presidential Election, the journey with the government and the demands of the Democratic Leftist Front. Following are some of the excerpts.

 

You were someone, who went with Mahinda Rajapaksa to Geneva to complain against the violation of human rights to the Human Rights Council (HRC). This government is one that has a lot of allegations of violating human rights and minority rights. What has made you to stay on with the government? Isn’t it contradictory to your actions before?

I will explain. I am against violence. But I cannot help when there is legitimate violence.

 

What do you mean by legitimate violence?

Violence that has to be inflicted in order to prevent a wrong, to prevent treason, to prevent the breaking up of the country, the setting up of illegal governments, any violence that has to be inflicted to prevent them, is legitimate violence.

I have to accept legitimate violence, when it arises and when the conditions necessitate it. But the issues that have been raised are, that towards the end of the war there had been deliberate killings of innocent civilians and this must be investigated. I am fully with it and taking appropriate action.

 

Do you agree with it being investigated by the international community?

No. What does the international community have to do with it? International community has nothing to do with our country. Our country’s investigations have to be done by us. If somebody says this commission which is investigating, is alleged violations is not credible, let them come out with it and say this is not credible for the following reasons.

How was the LLRC not credible? How was the LLRC hailed as something very wise and great and it was commended by everybody. But why is this distrust in the government in the matter of the other commissions?

 

Because it was the government that…………………

Not the government but some sections of the armed forces who took the law into their own hands.
Why should I become responsible for that? I should take action against them. If I didn’t take action against them then I am responsible.

 

So what you are saying is that it is the Army that needs to be investigated into?

Of course, the Army officials who are responsible and who are alleged to have done those violations and who are alleged to have committed those atrocities. Investigate them, certainly, find them out and then deal with them.

 

So you are saying the government didn’t have any hand in agreeing to this?

Absolutely not. Not the government. When I say the government, not the President and the ministers of the Cabinet.

 

But the Defence Ministry comes under the President? So how can something like this happen without him knowing about it?

He has asked them to prosecute a war, not to annihilate people. He asked them to defeat the LTTE and then retake the areas which had been occupied by them. That was the mandate. Not to kill civilians and not to inflict injuries on surrendees.

 

So you are saying the Sri Lankan military went beyond their mandate?

Of course yes. This is not the first time the military went into excesses.
When the military is ever asked to go and bring about crowd control, a perfect example would be Rathhupaswala, the excesses are inherent in a military deployment.

 

You did speak about the abolishment of the executive presidency. But you voted for the 18th amendment, was it in agreement with your conscience?

I did. Having said that, I am opposed to it in principle. And I said in Parliament, if you read the hansard that I think it is contrary to democracy.

So then why vote for it?

Then, I said in Parliament that this was an expansion of the Presidential powers and a violation of the very commitments that we have given.
But, I cannot break ranks with my people on this side and become the exonerated one. I don’t mind what they call me but I voted together because I didn’t want to break ranks. And then bring about a situation which can supply ammunition to our opposition.

That was the only reason. I explained all that in my statement in Parliament.

 

So do you think that if the President was elected for a third term, he would keep his promises about the abolishing of the Executive Presidency?

He would have to.

If he doesn’t?

I say he will have to. He has no choice. Not that it is his willing agreement, but he has no choice. Because the public opinion is so strong, not only in the country but even in the UPFA.

 

They want to abolish the Executive Presidency properly?
Finish it.

 

A major part of your political career has been as a voice in the opposition. You have been someone who spoke about corruption. You did say that some of the corruption has been brought to justice but most of it that people talk about is corruption within the government about which nothing is done. Why have you not raised your voice against this?

First we need to make the Commissioner who looks into Bribery independent.

 

The commissioner is not independent?

He is not independent, though he is called independent. He must be elected by the Parliament, by a consortium of respective leaders of the political parties. I believe in that. So should the Auditor General be, so should the Judges of the Supreme Court be appointed.

They should be elected by a collective of the leaders in Parliament, by a consensus with the Speaker as the arbiter. You can, sometimes, never reach unanimity, then consensus. Then there must be someone to determine what consensus is and that should be the Speaker.

 

The government has been increasing the foreign loans. Infrastructure projects are all on borrowed monies. As a Leftist leader what is your opinion on this?

As long as we have sufficient assets to back the loans…….

 

Do we have sufficient assets to back the loans?
Yes. All that has been created, built and constructed are the assets, which backed it.

 

But most of these assets, for example the Hambantotat Habour …………
Hambantota harbour on a going market today is worth thrice what it was because of the number of ships that are calling now. Because it is so strategic, that you can’t buy it for money. It is strategic because it is close to the international sea lanes.

 

Ok. Mattala Airport?
Mattala Airport goes with the harbour. You can’t have a Port without an Airport.

 

Let us talk about its value?
By itself its nothing. All these are connected and relative. By itself the Mattala Airport should not have been constructed but in relation to the port, without the airport the port is valueless.

 

Let’s go back to what some of the Ministers who left the government and Maithripala have said. They said that it has been hard for them to run their respective Ministries?
They say that they have been bulldozed and that they have been interfered with and that they had bitter experiences. Very unfortunately that should not have been so. If that were true.

 

So you’re not sure?
I don’t know. How will I know what he says, when he goes to the opposition.

 

But in your Ministry have you dealt with anything like this?
No, I haven’t.

 

Can we also talk about the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS)? When everything happened in Beruwala, you were a voice in the government that spoke against it. Tell me about the government’s response to this. Do you think it was satisfactory?

Gotabaya, Secretary Defence had to take the responsibility of the Police who were there that day and who let this happen.  And therefore, this provoked so much of criticism in the country, within the government and our defence, that thereafter sufficient care was taken to engage the Police properly, when such situations were about to occur. Like in Mawanella and Badulla, effective Police action prevented things there. 

 

So you do think it is satisfactory?
I mean the government learnt its lesson. I mean the government learnt, including me, our own lessons about what happened and what could have been done and why it could not have been prevented. Police inaction.

 

Speaking about the ethnic issue, even though the LTTE was defeated militarily there is remnants of the ethnic issue. Why hasn’t the government given a proper solution to this? What kind of solution do we need?

They should. The solution is devolution of power. Proper devolution of power.

 

So the 13th Amendment hasn’t been properly implemented?
The 13th amendment and more.

 

What do you mean more?
More mean anything that we need to negotiate between the Northern Provincial Council and the government.  

 

Your statement says that the Northern Provincial Council needs to be given proper powers like the other Provincial Councils. What did you mean by it?
To begin with, the Governor rules the Northern Provincial Council. Whereas, in the other Provincial Councils, barring the East, the Cabinet of Ministers with the Chief Minister decide on the administration. It is otherwise, when it comes to the North or the East. That is what we mean when we say let it be like in the other Provincial Councils in the country, that are ruled by the Cabinet of Ministers and the Chief Minister. Not over powered or dominated by the governor. That is the beginning.  We should go further.

 

Speaking about the 13th Amendment and the Northern Provincial Council. The TNA constantly asks for Police and land powers, that are there in the 13th Amendment?
It is there in the 13th Amendment. It has not been given to any other Provincial Council either. So therefore they would be on par with the other councils even if they didn’t have those two powers. But, we need to think of ways and means of how we can bring them in to sharing power regarding land and Police.

So when you talk about the land, they are always talking about the land grab that is taking place in the Northern Province. Have you spoken to the government about this?
Yes I have. I have raised the issue with the government that all lands of the people must be returned to the people.

 

But they are not being returned?
No, they are not.

 

When it comes to the Northern Province there is a massive plot of land that is being taken over?
Of yes, 6,000 acres. In a very thickly populated area, denying the people their right to their land.

 

So when it comes to the acquisition by the government?
Which is also wrong. Whenever it is necessary and important for a public purpose, then only you can acquire land.

 

But they acquire land saying that it is for development?
I know. But I don’t see any development. I don’t agree with the government or the acquisitions either. Not all acquisitions but some.

 

What is the acquisition that you don’t agree with?
Those 6,000 acres.

 

And Sampur?
Sampur no. Sampur we need the power plant.  

 

What about the acquisitions that are happening in Colombo? The low income slum areas?
They are being given alternative housing.

 

So you are ok with the procedure?
No. it should have been done with more finesse and better procedural order. It was handled in a militaristic way.

 

Do you think the country is going in a militaristic way?
No. immediately after a war we will have the echo of the armed culture in the country, but that doesn’t mean we are going in the direction of a military power. We are deploying our armed forces in construction and development. That doesn’t mean we are going to militarise.

 

When you talk about the military, what about the army camps that are there in the Northern Province?
There are too many and too many soldiers dabbling with civil administration. Too much of military involvement in a civil administration. There is too much occupation of public space by the personnel of the armed forces.  But they are getting on well. You can trust me. When you go up there you will find sections of the armed forces and sections of people are getting on well.

But that doesn’t justify the general pattern of interference in the civil administration.  

 

So you think the army camps in the North should be reduced?
The army camps and personnel can be in proportion to the population, like in other areas of the country with some special intelligence units to watch out for any anti-social or LTTE-related activities.

 

You are forming a coalition with the government…….
We formed this government. We formed the UPFA.  

 

Yes, you forming the coalition with the government literally crippled the Leftist parties. Has your journey so far been worth it?  
If the JVP will also join what we are doing we will have a solid say in the government and take the government exactly where we want it to go.

 

Where is that?
That is reaching the end of the Presidential power, quicker than later. Then giving seven perches of land to the plantation workers, then removing some excessive numbers of soldiers staying in the North, giving back all the lands to the people in the north. All these would have been achieved if only the JVP instead of politicking would have come to substantive work within the UPFA.  And we could have won about 50 seats in the Parliamentary elections and would have decided everything. There could have been no UPFA without the left, but now they can.

 

The demands that you have made-if the government doesn’t keep to the promises then what would you do?
We would struggle with the people who are behind the UPFA.

 

When you say you will struggle for this, do you mean you would bring it to the streets?
Yes, the streets too. General strikes, strike action, demonstrations and even agitations.

 

You said you were supporting the President to gain the rights that we have, the rights of the people? What makes you think that you can achieve this? You said that he was the only leader that could achieve this?

Mahinda is only the pivot of our forces. He is not the forces, he will well remember that. He is only the representative pivot. The day he parts ways with these forces, there will be no Mahinda and Mahinda will not be important.

 

It seems like the entire country, so what makes you say that he is the pivot of the forces?
The UPFA is made up of social, political forces and those forces had chosen him, not that he was forced on us. We have chosen him. So he is there only as long as we choose him.

 

Do most of the people inside the UPFA agree with him putting his family there?
No

 

Then why haven’t they raised their voice against it?
His family is all elected, except Gotabaya. And Gotabhaya is well qualified to be the Secretary of Defence for his experience. What is bad is, say I have five brothers who are elected?

But I would like to distribute power more evenly within the Cabinet and the Government, not letting the concentration of power among my family members. That is what I would say. The people in the movement, in the UPFA are more involved, are not very concerned about these cultural matters, such as nepotism.
The important thing is that we are achieving more of social democratic reforms, demoractic reforms in the governance.  But the better discretion should be as I said, to not let power be concentrated even if they were elected.

The people of the UPFA are more involved in the totality of the perspective and the totality of the programme, rather than on one or the other. On one they might disagree but they yet remain on the totality of the programme.

Are there internal discussions in the UPFA about reducing the number of Ministries?
In an alliance you have to give a portfolio to every party.

 

But don’t you think we have a massive number of portfolios?
Yes, may be able to reduce to some degree and it is healthy to reduce it to some degree.  

 

What about Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga?
She betrayed our cause to neo-liberal politics and globalisation and she will never be forgiven by the forces of our UPFA.