New America-India partnership opens up the potential for a multi-polar Asia

Recently, Prime Minister Narendra Modi concluded a successful state visit to the US. The two sides clinched important deals covering a panoply of sectors such as the joint development and deployment of Open Radio Access Networks, quantum computing and artificial intelligence, innovations under the iCET initiative, aero-engine technology for India’s Light Combat Aircraft, establishment of a semiconductor assembly and test facility in India, rare earths and minerals security, collaboration in space exploration, the resolution of trade issues and establishment of new consulates. These have far-reaching significance for bilateral relations and for India’s future as an economic and military power in an uncertain world. It is clear to both sides that India cannot fulfil its potential without a closer partnership with the US especially in high-tech sectors, and that the US cannot hope to ensure a multi-polar Asia without a robust relationship with a strong and resilient India.

Prime Minister Modi’s visit will have a positive impact on the unfolding geo-economic and geo-strategic contours of the Indo-Pacific region. More than half a century ago, communist China became a recipient of high-end US technologies, including in the defence sector. This continued until their partnership of convenience unravelled in recent years, but only after China became the world’s second largest economic and military power. Notably, the two had no shared values, and it hardly mattered to either side. The close partnership between democratic India and democratic US is far more sustainable in the long run.

Unfortunately, sceptics cannot be prevented from attempting to cast a pall of gloom on the future of India-US ties. Before and after the visit, American media, including Foreign Affairs and The Wall Street Journal, published articles that dwelt more on the perceived limits of the partnership. TV channels such as CNN also aired similar views. The gist of these views is that despite the US’ best efforts, India is unlikely to become an ally or a meaningful strategic partner of the US. Some have averred that the slogan of shared values is hollow and that there is no meaningful convergence on this score. India’s perceived neutrality in the ongoing Ukraine crisis and its alleged democratic backsliding have also become convenient targets of ire and scepticism.
The risible charge of “democratic backsliding” laid at India’s door is redolent with personal, political and ideological prejudices. India remains the world’s largest functional democracy, where free and fair elections determine the outcome of the ballot-box.

Much is being made of the 75 US lawmakers who wrote to President Biden asking him to raise “areas of concern” such as “human rights”, “religious intolerance” and “press freedom” with Prime Minister Modi.

As a matter of fact, it would be child’s play to collect one hundred signatures of Indian lawmakers cutting across party lines to write to the Prime Minister of India urging him to raise the issues of racial discrimination, ill-treatment of migrants, religious intolerance and violence against Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs, and other odious aspects, whenever certain western leaders visit India.

However, this kind of practice is alien to India’s civilisational ethos and values, where the guest is revered and welcomed as atithi devo bhava (guest is God).
Shared values are not the only binding glue in US foreign policy. This is borne out by the US’s treaty alliances and security partnerships with a range of authoritarian regimes around the world including South Korea, the Philippines and Taiwan before their transition into democracies.

This is equally true of the US’ strategic ties to a slew of fascists and military strongmen in Latin America, from Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista and General Pinochet in Chile to others in Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay, Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua

Several Gulf monarchies would fall in the same category. It was always US interests, perhaps even common interests, that shaped US policy towards these countries. In the case of China, neither its political system nor the egregious bloodshed on Tiananmen Square in 1989 hindered western democracies as they lined up in quick succession to profit from China’s economic rise. India, on the other hand, is the world’s most populous democracy and a credible voice of the Global South.

In fact, President Biden and the US government have repeatedly underscored India’s democratic credentials. The joint statement issued during Prime Minister Modi’s visit bears testimony. The US and India have agreed to “advance the aspirations of our people for a bright and prosperous future grounded in respect for human rights and shared principles of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law.” It speaks of “freedom, democracy, human rights, inclusion, pluralism, and equal opportunities for all citizens” as shared values.
Convergence between India and the US today is anchored in the changes unfolding in the geo-strategic realm and the emerging threats posed by authoritarian states. Both countries, as well as their like-minded partners, share the view that coercion and bullying are unacceptable in international relations. Ensuring stability and multi-polarity in Asia and in the broader Indo-Pacific region remains a shared objective.

India and the US do not have to be treaty allies in order to work together to uphold a rules-based international order. Even some differences over the nature of the current global order, which resists genuine reform of multilateral institutions, need not come in the way of a deeper partnership. The fact is, neither India nor the US can take the other for granted. Both countries must make continuous efforts to improve ties, as in any relationship

(IndianExpress)