Anarchy and the Aragalaya

Even economic policy under the SLPP seems to have these same characteristics of Fascism

Anarchy might even be inaction when millions began to skip meals to save money

The people of SL are hanging by a proverbial threat, desperate for some semblance of normalcy

At the time of writing, there are disparate reports of the whereabouts of Gotabaya Rajapaksa; somewhere in the UAE, Saudi Arabia or Singapore, most likely the latter, most definitely temporarily. Sri Lanka’s President remains on the run, in a manner of speaking, having absconded from the country and having vacated his office, absent without official leave, the military term abbreviated as AWOL. The official definition of ‘AWOL’ actually includes the words “without intent to desert”. For many months, in absolute unison, the Sri Lankan people have been calling for the resignation of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the refrain was not an invitation to escape accountability and live in luxurious exile in the Middle East. The very call for the President to step down was predicated on the need to hold him responsible for the failures of his Government, led by the policies that he personally championed. Even if Mr. Gotabaya Rajapaksa successfully negotiates a safe haven, the chances of having any sort of permanent amnesty from the people of Sri Lanka are slim to none. 

The very call for the President to step down was predicated on the need to hold him responsible for the failures of his Government, led by the policies that he personally championed

Two words with connotations related to political science have made their way into the mainstream media (msm): ‘Fascist’ and ‘Anarchy’. The first was generated by a defiant Acting President (and Prime Minister); Ranil Wickremesinghe stating that “we must end this fascist threat to democracy…we can’t allow fascists to take over”. The second has been used widely in the ‘msm’ and on social media. Both terms are utilised in the context of describing the ‘Aragalaya’ and its ‘violent’ manifestations. 

Firstly, it is important to state that Fascism and Anarchism are on opposing ends of the traditional political spectrum, a fact which by itself is indicative of the lack of understanding of the terms. Fascism is indeed brandished with decidedly negative connotations. Anarchy is being utilised to signify a lack of ‘order’ which is not strictly the case with anarchism. 

The breakdown in Sri Lanka’s system of representation did not occur on July 9 or May 9; the system became unresponsive when farmers did not receive the fertilizer required to generate an adequate yield due to the organic fertilizer policy 

At the outset, we should appreciate the audacity of Ranil Wickremesinghe for describing the protest movements as ‘fascist’; having not been elected to parliament through the electorate, having intervened to take up the Prime Minister’s post to prolong Rajapaksa rule and now being installed as Acting President. 

While the violent elements of the Aragalaya have been variously ascribed to the JVP, Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) or the IUSF, Mr. Wickramasinghe, being a Churchill-quoting intellectual, would have noticed that all these parties are associated with the left of the political spectrum. Fascism is defined as being a far-right political ideology based on ultra-nationalism and authoritarianism. This presents an immediate incoherence in the terms being used by the Acting President.

At the outset, we should appreciate the audacity of Ranil Wickremesinghe for describing the protest movements as ‘fascist’; having not been elected to parliament through the electorate, having intervened to take up the Prime Minister’s post to prolong Rajapaksa rule and now being installed as Acting President

Another feature of fascism is the presence of a central figure or personality to lead the movement, something the Aragalaya does not possess, it is in fact characterised by multiple power centres and various diverse personalities. On the other hand, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the Rajapaksa family have exerted near totalitarian control over the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP); it has never had an opportunity to evolve into anything other than a personality cult. The actions of the SLPP over the past two years; failing to object to harmful policies, not pressuring the President to alter course, and total and absolute subservience to the Rajapaksa establishment; these are all characteristics of a Fascist party. The unwillingness to consider resigning, ignoring historic protests; unresponsive to public pressure; all reveal explicitly fascist tendencies. 

Even economic policy under the SLPP seems to have these same characteristics of Fascism as described in ‘The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right’ (Davies, Lynch 2002), which notes the benefits of “dirigisme” (state control of the economy) to achieve national self-sufficiency through protectionist and economic interventionist policies. This is comparable to the import substitution, protectionism and state expansionism that defined Vistas of Prosperity and Splendor. We could even link Fascism with favouritism towards the business community. Former President Gotabaya and his platform of tax cuts and ‘pro-business’ supply-side economic policy were swallowed whole by the business elites and much of the professional class. Sri Lankan industry favoured a Lee Kwan Yew-esque ‘strong and efficient’ leader and urged him to be as authoritarian as he needed to. In the mid-1920s, after the March on Rome, Benito Mussolini received a widely positive response from the US business press and industrial elites of the time, who regarded fascistic notions as being useful to their own interests. As late as 1941, US Ambassador to Germany, in Berlin, George Kennan, was publicly writing favourably about Adolf Hitler. 

The key question then becomes, did the Aragalaya threaten violence explicitly or implicitly and without such a threat of violence, would we have received the resignation of Mahinda Rajapaksa on May 9, would Gotabaya have fled the country if there was no discernible pressure applied? 

We associate the word fascism with the heinous crimes of the holocaust, but fascism was a far more mainstream ideology at the turn of the 20th century than many realise. Anarchism is a broad political movement as well as a tradition of political thought related to European Libertarian Socialism. A 2014 piece on truthout.org by Professor Noam Chomsky, himself a self-proclaimed proponent of anarcho-syndicalism, brings together a wide-ranging discussion of Anarchism. 

The term anarchy is now used in relation to the occupation of several state-owned buildings including the President’s House, the Presidential Secretariat and the Prime Minister’s Office. While this may or may not be accurate, at no point was Anarchy used to describe the political dynamic in Sri Lanka over the past two years, culminating in the early months of 2022, reaching a new zenith on July 9. 

Scholars and philosophers such as Prof. Chomsky consider anarchism as having its roots in the 17th century Enlightenment movement, specifically the work of Wilhelm Von Humboldt who states that “The grand, leading principle towards which every argument unfolded in these pages directly converges: the absolute and essential importance of human development in its richest diversity.” Specifically, the challenges to all manner of authority by Enlightenment figures is a major driver in Anarchism’s distaste for hierarchy and its subjugating effects on human beings. 

The President, his Parliamentary majority and now the acting President, have all ignored or circumvented democratic norms, they ignored peaceful and organised protests that were based on the basic principle of accountability

Prof. Chomsky describes German philosopher Rudolph Rocker’s idea of Anarchism as a “…broad tendency in human development that seeks to identify structures of hierarchy, authority and domination that constrain human development, and then subject them to a very reasonable challenge: Justify yourself.” If these structures are unable to meet that challenge, they should be dismantled. 

Even if you might define anarchy as a breakdown of a system, this does not apply to the Aragalaya in the way that one might imagine. The breakdown in Sri Lanka’s system of representation did not occur on July 9 or May 9; the system became unresponsive when farmers did not receive the fertilizer required to generate an adequate yield due to the organic fertilizer policy. When yields crashed, farmers continued to protest for fertilizer or financial reparations for lost income. They received neither. This is a breakdown of a system. Anarchy might even be inaction when millions began to skip meals to save money. There was no nationwide response when the UN reported that 700,000 Sri Lankans had slipped below the poverty line over a 12-month period. Workers lost incomes and those that did not could no longer sustain their lives on said incomes.

At which point was Sri Lanka’s system of representative democracy going to become responsive to the needs of the citizens it claims to represent? The President, his Parliamentary majority and now the acting President, have all ignored or circumvented democratic norms, they ignored peaceful and organised protests that were based on the basic principle of accountability. The Acting President would surprise nobody if he sought to complete Gotabaya’s term under the 20th Amendment. 

 One of the definitive principles central to the study of international relations is that nation-states operate and interact in a state of ‘anarchy’. The word is used in this context to describe a lack of supreme authority in international relations, with many theories postulating that anarchy is a fundamental condition of the international system. Anarchy in the context of the study of international relations does not describe a world in chaos or lacking in order, rather it suggests that there is a lack of a well-defined and accepted hierarchy that governs interactions between states.  

When Ranil Wickremesinghe describes the Aragalaya as Fascist, he is perhaps being intentionally ironic. The transparent attempt to paint himself as the buffer between a functioning Sri Lankan state and total ‘anarchy’ will not hold for long. 

Activists of the Aragalaya seemed to sense that public support for the occupation of state buildings was waning and provided assurances that the occupation will soon end. In making this statement on national TV, the activists were adamant that the Aragalaya’s occupation of state buildings was “peaceful”. 

There are numerous considerations. Firstly, while the protesters out-number the authorities, it was the police and army that possessed all the firepower and ammunition. The protesters did not engage with security personnel but were able to scale the walls in massive numbers; does this constitute violence? Secondly, it is clear that the occupation was not carried out with the intent of creating further violence. The fact remains that much of the violence perpetrated by the diverse Aragalaya movement has been in response to state repression.

 The key question then becomes, did the Aragalaya threaten violence explicitly or implicitly and without such a threat of violence, would we have received the resignation of Mahinda Rajapaksa on May 9, would Gotabaya have fled the country if there was no discernible pressure applied? The fact remains that the Aragalaya began as an organic, people-led movement against the fascistic tendencies of the SLPP majority and the Rajapaksa elites, who ignored public sentiment until the country slipped into what they now describe as ‘anarchy’. 

While the Aragalaya also seeks to attain further political legitimisation and even an operational role as an addendum to the legislature, it will notice support diminishing as objectives diverge. Having suffered almost half of a Gotabaya/ SLPP term, which has completely collapsed our economy, the Aragalaya will need to recognise the public’s desire for compromise.  

The people of Sri Lanka are hanging by a proverbial threat, desperate for some semblance of normalcy. The Aragalaya must sustain itself through public support and legitimise itself by providing space for democratic institutions to operate free from coercion, both from above and within. In the aftermath of the President’s resignation, if Parliament fails to meet the moment, it should surprise nobody when attempts are made to dismantle this hierarchy too. 
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