Circular migration of Lankan Female Domestic Migrant Workers

Madhuka Sanjaya Wickramarachchi of the Sri Lankan Ministry of Foreign Affairs has published a very interesting paper on “circular migration” of Sri Lankan female domestic workers to the Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC) in the International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (Volume 10, Issue 10, October 2020).

Circular migration refers to Female Migrant Domestic Workers (FMDW) going back and forth between the home country (in this case Sri Lanka) and the country of employment (in this case a country in the GCC). Circular migration is one of the most visible migration patterns in the Sri Lanka-GCC migration corridor. It therefore demands deep and continuous study.  

Following are excerpts from Madhuka Wickramarachchi’s well-researched paper:  
A quarter of Sri Lankan FMDWs are circular migrants. They start their journey in their mid-20s and return home periodically and, often, permanently, when they reach their 40s and 50s, effectively spending almost two decades of their adult life in the migration cycle. Lankan FMDW do not opt for “Step migration” in which migrants leave the first destination, not to return to Sri Lanka, but to head to a second destination. This can be noted in Sri Lankan male migration, but not in FMDWs. The FMDW always returns to Sri Lanka before proceeding to another destination.   

Most first time FMDWs move to Kuwait, which is also their main choice for repeat migration. Saudi Arabia is their second choice. The UAE, as a hotspot for FMDWs, is a recent trend, given the UAEs flexibility in converting tourist visas into work visas. The Sri Lankan government-mediated exclusionary policies, such as minimum age and Family Background Report, had reduced the number of FMDWs leaving for the GCC with legitimate work visas. But the flexibility of the visa regime in the UAE has enabled FMDWs to circumvent some of the State-imposed barriers.   

A survey was conducted in 2019 involving 100 FMDWs in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The response group was in the age group 28-45, which is the general age of the FMDWs. They were married and had children 10 years or older. The FMDWs underlined that the primary reason for their second departure was economic, as they had no other means to support their families. The entire cohort of the group indicated they were more focused on the economic gain that they make at the end of their tour of duty which is close to 300% higher than they would get in Lanka.   

The main “push factors” were high unemployment, unemployment of husbands and unavailability of economic opportunities. Push factors like natural disasters and social unrest were not mentioned by the FMDWs. Only 3% cited the internal conflict in Sri Lanka as the reason to leave the country for the second time. Again interestingly, for 84% of the FMDWs, the decision to leave the country for the second time or more, had been an individual decision and not a family decision.   

Extra-Economic Reasons
The ‘upfront payment’ which is being received by the FMDW before her departure is a major incentive to migrate again. Sub-agents have a preference for ‘experienced’ FMDWs and pay them higher ‘upfront payment’ as well as a higher monthly remuneration. The idea of “debt-free departure” is also an incentive as the total cost of the departure process is being taken care through the payment received from the prospective sponsor.   

The FMDW’s choices and consequences of their past decisions and behavior coupled with the previous experience of their occupation are also important factors in the decision making process.  

A survey conducted in 2008 in Sri Lanka indicated that 69% of the FMDWs had a relation to take care of their children. 82% left their children either with their mother or with the eldest daughter. Upon inquiry as to why not with a relation, their considered answer was that relations could not be trusted. Little or no mention was made of husbands in the matter of child care. The FMDWs who left their children back, said that the education of their children improved as they could now afford tuition fees, books, etc.  

Ninety per cent said that they started to “spare some money for themselves” only at the second round of the migration circle. The survey revealed that 30% of the second timers and 70% of the third timers intended to return to the GCC, which indicates a “habitualization” of migration, creating a “culture of migration”.   

The FMDWs have ‘transnational’ relations with their homes through regular phone calls, remittances and active participation in family decision-making at home. This brought comfort to the FMDWs and encouraged them to opt for circular migration. Modern communication facilities, all available in a single mobile phone, also helped them get jobs time and again making circular migration possible.   

However, the survey revealed that 62% of the FMDWs returned to Sri Lanka after their first overseas vocation to find that their families were scattered, with husbands abandoning them and moving with other partners. Such women had no other way of survival than to leave again as FMDWs. Harrowing tales of abusive or dysfunctional relationships were prevalent. For them, circular migration was an effective escape mechanism.   

In most cases, women migrants found very little of their earnings remaining as savings or investment as their family members had used these remittances for consumption. The resultant deprivation made the migrant worker’s repeat migration inevitable.   

The circular migrants became more and more proficient in domestic work, but typically, they did not learn any new skills. They had no intention of diverting to other employment options such as employment in Free Trade Zones which is a common option available to unemployed females in Sri Lanka.  

Whilst shifting from the migration policy of the ’80s and ’90s, at present, the Government of Sri Lanka emphatically and overtly discourages women leaving as FMDWs. The implementation of obtaining Family Background Report (FBR), a clearance certificate for FMDWs which came into effect on 15th July 2013, effectively banned women with children under the age of five from migrating overseas.   

However, this circular had been challenged by various quarters and in October 2016, the UN Committee on Migrant Workers and their families (CMW) in its concluding observations recommended that the State party withdraw this circular.   

Except in the case of Saudi Arabia, these restrictions have not totally discouraged the FMDWs. The GCC corridor can be entered with a tourist visa. This is used to circumvent the imposed movement restrictions. The government has not placed a strict imposition on females leaving the country, mainly owing to the pressure emanating from the labor recruitment agencies.  

At present, the Government of Sri Lanka has adopted a new policy of destination diversification by adding new ‘male-oriented’ markets such as South Korea, Japan and East European countries, and has explicitly encourages male workers to leave overseas for skilled work. The main intention of this process is to increase the remittance flows to Sri Lanka by complimenting and countervailing the dip in remittances generated by the FMDWs.   

But the validity of this remittance maximization model has been called into question. The dip in the remittances since 2015 owes to the decrease in the number of housemaids as well as the increase of skilled male workers, who remit less. Highly paid professionals remit even less.   

Therefore Sri Lanka is back to depending on the FMDWs for its remittances. In 2014 and 2015 Sri Lanka received US$ 7.036 billion and US$ 6.98 billion respectively in remittances, which accounted for 8.4 % of the GDP, well ahead of earnings from apparel (US$ 5 billion), tourism (US$ 4.4 billion) and agricultural exports (US$ 2.7bn) of which tea was US$ 1.5 bn. At present, migrant labour represents 23% Sri Lanka’s total labor force.   

Sri Lankan FMDWs are in demand in the GCC and Saudi Arabia because they are less expensive, obedient and loving. The salary per month of a domestic worker is so low that they are affordable even for low-income level earning families in the GCC.